Gun Control and the Second Amendment

President Obama's stance, indeed the stand of anyone who is against ownership of guns or of specific guns and/or of specific bullets, clips, or other portions of guns, are acting as utilitarians. This is against the concept of natural rights inherent in the Constitution.

Opponents of such restrictions are fighting it on grounds of the Second Amendment. But they are fighting on the grounds that it is that Amendment which gives us the right. It is not. That merely states the right which existed before it was written. Indeed, James Madison and others were fearful that if some of man's natural rights were put into a Bill of Rights, it would seem as if that was the limit of them, that there were no others. But more than that, many members of Congress knew that by listing some of them it would open them to scrutiny 'as written'. In other words, while all natural rights belonged to Man, the way one or another was written could be argued against and altered.

That has happened in the modern case of the Second Amendment. The right does not exist because it is written; it was written because it exists, and because some Congressional leaders believed it necessary to say they existed.

A Bill of Rights was not only unnecessary, but would even be dangerous. James Madison agreed with Alexander Hamilton, who asked, "For why declare that things shall not be done which there is no power to do [by Congress]? Why, for instance, should it be said that the liberty of the press shall not be restrained, when no power is given by which restrictions may be imposed?"

The harming of another in his person or property is not a right, natural or otherwise. The restriction of a natural right is the prerogative only of a tyranny. 

© Curtis Edward Clark 2012

The Extension and Intension of the Constitution

We must begin this discussion with the definition of the words in the title:
"The intension of a concept consists of the qualities or properties which go to make up the concept. The extension of a concept consists of the things which fall under the concept; or, according to another definition, the extension of a concept consists of the concepts which are subsumed under it (determine subclasses)" source 

The intension of the Constitution is, therefore, the qualities or properties which go to make up the concept. What is the concept? It is supremely simple, and in two parts: the first quality is that of a government more able to deal with national problems than the Articles of Confederation allowed for; and the second property was to make a government less able to violate the rights of minorities. The second quality was the biggest intensional concern of James Madison, Patrick Henry and others, and it is the one that has seen its extensions go awry, since the era of the New Deal.

The extensional parts are the subclasses of the intensions; they are the things which 'fall under' the concept(s). Article 1, Section 2 explaining the composition of the Congress, is therefore an extension of Section 1, explaining that there shall be a Senate and a House.

"The Constitution does not give you rights," explains the Constitutionality Crisis. "The founders considered your rights to be 'God-given' or 'natural rights' — you are born with all your rights. The constitution does, however, protect your rights by:

• Limiting the powers of government by granting to it only those specific powers that are listed in the Constitution; (This has not proven to be effective of late.)
• Enumerating certain, specific rights which you retain. These are listed in the Bill of Rights." [emphasis in original]

The Constitution, in turn, is an extension of John Locke's famous intensional statement about the state of nature specifically, that it "has a Law of Nature to govern it, which obliges every one: And Reason, which is that Law, teaches all Mankind, who will but consult it, that being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his Life, Health, Liberty, or Possessions. [John Locke, The Second Treatise of Civil Government, §6] [emphasis in original]

But more than that, our coveted Bill of Rights are the extensions of the entire concept for the limitation of the powers of government, and the empowerment of the individual. "The whole of the Bill is a declaration of the right of the people at large or considered as individuals…It establishes some rights of the individual as unalienable and which consequently, no majority has the right to deprive them of." –Albert Gallatin, 1789, New York Historical Society

The original statements of the Founders give us their intent for ratifying the words they used. Why did they say this, and say it that way instead of the other way or another way? But epistemological intension is like a definition of a genus, whereas extension is like the definition of a species. The genus of the Constitution is that of a document never seen before then, one that had two part, the way 'man' is defined as 'rational animal'. The two parts are to be an enabler of individualism, and a limiter of government.

Madison warned us of wrongful extensions of the limited powers given to government, and named many that we see today. Congress might, he said, "establish teachers in every state, county, and parish, and pay them out of the public treasury; they may take into their own hands the education of children, establishing in like manner schools throughout the union, they may assume the provision for the poor; they may undertake the regulation of all roads other than post roads; in short, every thing from the highest object of state legislation, down to the most minute object of police, would be thrown under the power of Congress [ ] and might be called, if Congress pleased, provisions for the general welfare."

These things are so commonplace that we do not even think about some of them as being usurpations by the nation upon the powers of the States; or worse, usurpations on your individual sovereignty, which was a commonly held extension of the purpose of the limitation on government.

Next Friday I will examine some others in detail.

© Curtis Edward Clark 2012

Obama and Charity

"What is going to become of our charities if almost 33% of it dries up simply because of Washington's policies?"
 
Doesn't the 'general welfare' clause of the Constitution mean that the Federal government is empowered to dole out charity? James Madison, the principle author of the Constitution, said that the welfare clause is "qualified by the detail of powers (enumerated in the Constitution) connected with them. To take them in a literal and unlimited sense would be a metamorphosis of the Constitution into a character which there is a host of proofs was not contemplated by its creators." [emphasis added]

"I cannot find any authority in the Constitution for public charity. [To approve the measure] would be contrary to the letter and spirit of the Constitution and subversive to the whole theory upon which the Union of these States is founded."
President Franklin Pierce's 1854 veto of a measure to help the mentally ill

There are dozens of direct references to charity and other welfare by the Founders. And it is clear from the hundreds of other references they made about the meaning of this or that word or clause of the Constitution exactly what was intended when they wrote it. But one thing is undeniably clear about Americans: they are willing to see the 'spirit of the law' in the letter of the law, and usually it is not a 'spirit' put there, nor accepted, by the people who gave it to us.

"Until the New Deal era [charity] was known not to be an enumerated power nor one reasonably implied by the 'necessary and proper' clause and therefore considered unconstitutional. Yet around the time of the New Deal, government began overlooking this clear unconstitutionality" Is Welfare Unconstitutional?

 "The fiscal year 2013 White House budget specifies that the federal tax deduction for charitable contributions be reduced to a maximum of 28% for married couples with income over $250,000, and single individuals with incomes over $200,000." source

 But that White House policy is harmful. In 2009, 89% percent of American households gave an average of $1,620 to charity annually; it was $308 billion in 2008, accounting for 2.2 percent of our GNP), higher than any other country in the world. "This clearly shows America does not have a charity problem--and shows that Americans are fully capable of giving away their own money to good causes." source

Now compare that to the FY2013 Budget, in which we clearly see that Mr. Obama would prefer the Federal government be the major contributor to the health and welfare of Americans:

"This budget would reduce the value of the charitable deduction for certain individuals, effectively subjecting them to pay taxes on money that they give to charity instead of using it to benefit themselves. [G]iving by households with $200,000 or more in income would have decreased by $820 million in 2009 and by $2.43 billion in 2010 had the administration’s proposal been in effect." source [emphasis added]

"Before the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, which led to nearly $3 billion in donations for victims' families, donations because of large-scale disasters were measured in millions--not billions....an unprecedented $7.37 billion in donations to disaster relief groups in 2005." source What is going to become of our charities if almost 33% of it dries up by 2015 simply because of Washington's policies?
  
© Curtis Edward Clark 2012

Arab Revolutions and Popular Sovereignty

     As for the point of calling the government the "popular sovereign", Locke is relevant in today's world of Arabic/Islamic revolutions. It is unlikely that in today's world any nation, let alone an Islamic nation, is capable of going the distance as America's Founders did, by making the sovereign the individual.

     Jefferson and the other founders conceived that if the people (individuals taken as a single body politic) had the right to turn over to the government some of their rights, then the individuals were the actual sovereigns, because they cannot turn over what they do not already have. In other words, you can't give away what you don't have.

     "Individual sovereignty was not a peculiar conceit of Thomas Jefferson: It was the common assumption of the day..." http://www.friesian.com/ellis.htm

     This was carried through to the 20th century by Ayn Rand, who used many of the same phrases as the Founders:
"Individualism regards man—every man—as an independent, sovereign entity who possesses an inalienable right to his own life, a right derived from his nature as a rational being. Individualism holds that a civilized society, or any form of association, cooperation or peaceful coexistence among men, can be achieved only on the basis of the recognition of individual rights—and that a group, as such, has no rights other than the individual rights of its members."
http://aynrandlexicon.com/lexicon/indivi…

     However, this kind of thinking was rejected in the 12th century by the Muslims when they rejected the philosopher Ibn Rushd (Averroes) who fled to Spain to save his own life. Ibn Rusd didn't advocate individual sovereignty--it would take Americans to do that, by adapting to what Locke taught them. Locke learned from Aquinas who learned from Ibn Rushd and worked from many of the man's translations of Aristotle.

     And so, in today's world it probably isn't possible to see another America rise from the ashes of any nation whether Western, Eastern, or Middle Eastern because the idea of individual sovereignty cannot return in the U.S. until the States take back their 10th Amendment rights, after which the people can then take back their 9th Amendment rights (notwithstanding the recent controversy that the 9th is also tied directly to States' rights).

     Locke referred to "popular sovereignty". Thus, Madison wrote that "Individual rights and governmental powers were understood to be reciprocal—two sides of the same coin. As Madison wrote in a letter to Washington: 'If a line can be drawn between the powers granted and the rights retained, it would seem to be the same thing, whether the latter be secured[] by declaring that they shall not be abridged, or that the former
shall not be extended.'” http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/se… page 14

     It seems however that they have been abridged, and that "the former" has been extended. Locke's "popular sovereignty" may be composed in any way the individuals of the nation wish to compose it. Turkey has had "popular sovereignty" since the Second world war and Iraq is now trying to follow in Turkey's tracks, both nations operating in the manner of the Arabs, not the way of Europeans; and of the Islamic nations now undergoing revolutions and convulsions, some may turn to Arab popular sovereignty.

     It is unlikely, however, that any of them will turn to natural rights as fully as America did. They don't understand natural rights because that is what Ibn Rushd would have led to--an Islamic Locke (or Hobbes or Rousseau). Muhammad and Allah cannot allow western individualism which "regards man—every man—as an independent, sovereign entity who possesses an inalienable right to his own life."

© Curtis Edward Clark 2011

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Two Ways to Read With 'Original Intent'

     Monday I wrote, "There is a world of difference between 'original meaning' and 'original intent'. Until recently I was consciously unaware of the difference, though I kept running into descriptions of Originalism that seemed to contradict each other, and I didn't know why.
     We Originalists think the correct way of reading the Constitution is to ask what the Founders meant. But there are two versions of what they meant. There is the 'literal' reading, whereby "an historical literalist will see the militia [just as an example] of the 2nd Amendment as referring to all able-bodied men from 17 to 45, just as in the late 18th century."[1] 
     But the Militia Act of 1903 designated the National Guard, (Organized Militia), as the nation's primary military reserve. But the 'militia' of men 17-45 was created by the Militia Act of 1792, five years after the creation of the Constitution. In 1787, the 'militia' was the entire body of civilians physically fit for military service and who wanted to volunteer. The Second Militia Act of 1792 (there were two) created the draft. So who and what are the independent militia of today, those people who store weapons and train for the day the U.S. is overrun by enemies, or for the day the Feds become the enemy?
     In 2010 the Supreme Court ruled they were individuals, whose right to bear arms applies to state and local gun control laws. Two years earlier the Court, in the the Heller case, addressed only federal laws. But the rulings only address private ownership in a household; they do not address what particular laws may redress local and State needs for some controls; that issue was sent back to the lower courts to decide.
     Problems with Originalist readings come in several forms: 
     A) do we understand the written document as the Framers understood it--in their terms? For example, the right to bear arms could not have meant an Uzi or an M11 machine gun, if they knew of such things?
     B) Since they did not know of such things, how do we know what they would have said once they were told? Alexander Hamilton said in 1788, four years before the first Militia Act by Congress, that if "circumstances should at any time oblige the government to form an army of any magnitude[,] that army can never be formidable to the liberties of the people while there is a large body of citizens, little, if at all, inferior to them in discipline and the use of arms, who stand ready to defend their own rights and those of their fellow-citizens."[2]  
     Thus, by the words of the strongest Federalist Founder who sought to expand government powers, "the body of citizens" should be only little inferior, if any at all, to the powers of any government army who might then be able to be used against them. But Hamilton could not foresee rocket launchers and surface-to-air and cruise missiles.
     C) And so, if we are not meant to understand the written document as the they understood it in their frame of reference to the specifics of their existence at that time, then we must find in their other writings what they meant in principle.
    Jack M. Balkin[3] argues "that constitutional interpretation requires fidelity to original public meaning but not to original expected application. Original public meaning is what the words used meant to competent speakers of the language in the relevant political community at the time of adoption. Original expected application is how people at the time expected those words would be applied to concrete situations in their world. Original public meaning is a proper object of constitutional fidelity, while original expected application is not. . .
     "For example, the ban on 'cruel and unusual punishments' requires us to decide today how we should apply the original public meanings of the words "cruel and unusual." It does not require us to follow how people in 1791 would have applied the concepts of "cruel and unusual."
     Originalism, then, is not so specifically about how Jefferson or Madison or Patrick Henry would have applied their idea to our modern problems; that is what is called 'original expected application'. 
     Rather, we need to understand the contextual and common meaning of the words the Founders used, and apply those meanings, whether the meanings have changed or not, whether we now use different words or not. We need to understand the intent of what they said, called 'original public meaning', and apply that as the Founders' 'original intent'.

[1] http://www.usconstitution.net/consttop_intr.html

[2] Federalist, No. 29

[3] Jack M. Balkin is Knight Professor of Constitutional Law and the First Amendment, Yale Law School



© Curtis Edward Clark 2011
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States' Rights and The 'Slow Rot' Principle

     Has the Ninth Amendment had little effect in the courts? It has certainly not had the power of a 'rule of construction', as James Madison said it was.
     The enlargement of federal powers in the previous century were able to be accomplished because the Tenth Amendment "does not prevent expansive interpretations of enumerated federal powers...render[ing] meaningless
the Tenth's reservation of powers to the states "[1]

     "Thus statism was to come," wrote Ayn Rand, "not by vote or by violence, but by slow rot—by a long process of evasion and epistemological corruption..."

     Critics of the loss of the federalism model claim the Tenth Amendment merely says the States retain all powers not ceded to the Federal government; and because of Rand's "slow rot" principle, those 'expansive interpretations'. Very recently discovered historical documentation show that the Ninth and Tenth Amendments were intended to work together so that "the Ninth prohibited interpretations of enumerated power that disparaged those states’ rights."[2]
     Well, how was this connection between the two Amendments supposed to work? (And why has this scholarship been ignored until now?) States that had demanded the relationship, like Virginia, held up ratification of the Bill of Rights for two years because they didn't think the Ninth was adequate to the job. But James Madison convinced them it was, in a speech to Congress opposing the National Bank (Feb. 2, 1791).
     "Madison's draft of the Ninth Amendment," wrote Kurt T. Lash in this new documentation called The Lost Original Meaning of the Ninth Amendment, "contained a rule of interpretation expressly limiting the constructive enlargement of federal power." Madison himself is said to have expressly stated that the altered version found in the Bill. "Madison's speech removed any ambiguity regarding his understanding of the Ninth Amendment, and the Virginia Assembly was entitled to rely on Madison's description of the Ninth when, only a few months later, it ratified the Bill of Rights."[1]
     Originalism pertains to the historical documents left behind by the Founders as to what they perceived to be the meaning of their words. See March 8 TPO Because it was Madison who wrote the original wording of the Ninth Amendment, and then convinced other Founders of its meaning, upon which they then ratified the Bill, it is Madison's words we must take into account.
     There is a world of difference between "original meaning" and "original intent". I will discuss that in the next blog.

     



[1] Texas Law Review [Vol. 83:331] 336
[2] Univ. of Pennsylvania Law Review

© Curtis Edward Clark 2011
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Original Meaning of Ninth Amendment Is Lost in Modern Jurisprudence

     The Ninth Amendment is the Constitutional description of "individual sovereignty".
     "Those Virginians, such as Patrick Henry and George Mason," wrote Dr. Roger M. Firestone,[1] "who argued most strongly for the Bill of Rights, knew that the individual would require defenses against the authority of the state. [ ] The battle now is not between the Republicans and Democrats, which are merely parties, nor between liberals and conservatives, who dispute over values, but, as it always has been, between liberty and tyranny...[ ] Despite the efforts of some to 'deny or disparage' its meaning, the Ninth Amendment stands, not as a waterblot,* but as a watershed, separating those who would yield to despots...."
     Jefferson wrote[2] about the inseparable and indispensable economic aspect of individual liberty, and how just laws were designed to protect the equal rights of all individuals.
     "Individual sovereignty was not a peculiar conceit of Thomas Jefferson: It was the common assumption of the day...", wrote Joseph J. Ellis.[3]
     As Van Ronk points out,[4] the Ninth Amendment "unequivocally vindicated the political doctrine that there are rights (plural) which exist independently of any written accounting in a political or legal document; and its corollary, that rights ultimately do not derive from written documents but precede and transcend them." 
     "Yet neither the language nor the history of the Ninth Amendment offers any hints as to the nature of the rights it was designed to protect."[5]
     Is it not plain enough that "The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people."
     Apparently not. An Originalist interpretation, given the historical background of the Founders who demanded this provision and their reasons for it, 'other' rights retained by the people are all of those not 'enumerated'. It was the Federalists, after all, who pointed out that the federal government was not given the Constitutional power to trample on individual liberties, and for this very reason believed it was dangerous to create a Bill of Rights at all because "an inference would be drawn that the federal government could exercise an implied power to regulate such liberties."[5]

     As Robert F. McDonnell points out,[6] it was "rendered virtually useless by years of encroachment by the federal government and the ever-fading concept of federalism." This would indicate the Federalists, anti-Bill-of-Rights to begin with, were correct about that "implied power". But he makes the counter-point that Jefferson set out carefully the statement about 'self-evident' truths on which our freedoms are based."
     And so it was that Patrick Henry, James Mason, Edmund Randolph and others wanted it known in writing what Jefferson's 'self-evident' truths were based upon: "the primacy of the individual and the knowledge that unchecked governments have a tendency to subvert those rights."[6]
     But Madison made it clear to the Founders that the Amendment states but a rule of construction, [ ] and that it does not contain within itself any guarantee of a right or a proscription of an infringement," because, Madison said, of "last clause of the fourth resolution.''[7]
     And yet Bork's "inkblot" has had little effect in the courts. We will examine why, next time.


[1]  http://www.mastermason.com/rfire/masonry/waterblot.html
[2]  http://www.lexrex.com/enlightened/AmericanIdeal/yardstick/pr6.html
[3]  http://joseph%20j.%20ellis/
[4]  http://www.vanronk.info/2011/02/ninth-amendment-originally-speaking.html
[5]  http://legal-dictionary.thefreedictionary.com/9th+Amendment
[6]  http://static.record-eagle.com/edits/know_your_rights/26ninth.htm 
[7]  http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/data/constitution/amendment09/#t2

*Robert Bork called it an "'inkblot' on the Constitution."

© Curtis Edward Clark 2011
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